Genocide in the Family
Jim Kavanagh
Burial of Native American dead at
Wounded Knee, South Dakota, 1891.
Here’s Pete Hegseth’s impassioned rant, announcing his decision, “without hesitation,” that the soldiers from the “Battle” of Wounded Knee “deserve those medals” they received “for their actions,” that their “place in our nation’s history is no longer up for debate” and that we “honor their service” and “will never forget what they did.”
I am, as anyone with an ethical cell in their brain should be, disgusted by the triumphal praise for an event that, per Britanica, “investigations and eyewitness accounts clearly established …as a massacre.” That is not, and since the day it happened has not been, “up for debate.”
The Wounded Knee incident occurred as the final act in America’s
betrayal of treaties and destruction of Native American life and culture was
playing out in a region where the Lakota tribes were already the victims of
“forced assimilation” and “pushed to the brink of starvation.” A Miniconjou
Lakota camp had agreed to “surrender without resistance” to the U.S. Army. On December 28, 1890, the camp was surrounded
by a 7th Cavalry detachment commanded by Colonel James W. Forsyth
and its people were relinquishing their weapons, when a deaf Lakota’s gun
accidentally went off. The soldiers opened fire with Hotchkiss guns that
fired 50 two-pound shells per minute, and mowed down between 250 and 300
Lakota, almost half of whom were women and children. Those who were able to
evade that fire were cut down by mounted soldiers. As Britannica says, “The 7th
Cavalry did not discriminate.” 25 U.S. soldiers also died, many to friendly
fire.
The commander of U.S. Army forces on Lakota territory, Major
General Nelson A. Miles, was, unlike Pete Hegseth, “appalled” and tried to
strip Forsyth of his command.
It’s a case of If this
isn’t a massacre, nothing is, and in no circumstance is it any kind of
action to “honor.” Hegseth is right that nobody has, or will, forget what they
did.
Family Affair
But, beyond Wounded Creek, Hegseth’s rant struck a
particular nerve with me.
Some years ago, I reconnected with a cousin—a second cousin,
once removed—in Chevy Chase, whose family home I used to visit as a kid. On a shelf in his apartment, I saw, in its
wood-framed display case, a Congressional Medal of Honor. Impressed, I asked
him who had won that, and he told me that it had been awarded to his
"uncle-in-law” or “great-uncle-in-law,” Frederick Platten—a name I had
never heard and bore no resemblance to any names I knew in our extended family. He
then said, to my astonishment, that it was an object that Platten was ashamed
of, and told me the story that Frederick Platten handed down, which I will
relate after showing the official citation from the
Congressional Medal of Honor Society website:
So, according to the official citation, Sgt. Platten “broke
the resistance” of “an entrenched Cheyenne position” by sneaking up behind it
with five other men.
This is not an account that screams “Congressional Medal of
Honor” to me. But Federick Platten’s own account of what actually happened is
even more disturbing. I will relate it to the best of my knowledge, based on
notes I took after visiting my cousin.
Platten said that he had been sent to retrieve the body of a
dead soldier. When he arrived at the scene of the soldier’s death, he either
came upon, or was come upon by, two Cheyenne—one with a rifle, the other with a
bow-and-arrow. He shot the one with the rifle first, then the other one. When
he got back to base and told his Lieutenant, the Lieutenant praised him and
said he would recommend him for a Medal of Honor. (It was the Lieutenant who wrote
the fictional narrative for the citation.) The Lieutenant then ordered his
squad to attack and massacre a Cheyenne village ("like My Lai," as my
cousin put it), specifically ordering the killing of every inhabitant. Either before
setting off, or at the scene of the attack on the village, Platten refused a
direct order to kill women and children, saying "I don't do that."
For this refusal, that Lieutenant or another officer brought him to a
court-martial, which dismissed the case. Patten always told his family that he
was prouder of the court-martial than of the Medal of Honor.
Thus, I discovered a distant, not direct bloodline but
extended family involvement in the gruesome history of Native American
genocide, which the Army now calls the “Indian Campaign.” (When I first looked
this up, it was called the “Indian Wars”—-a not-as-coy, but equally false
designation I think Hegseth would prefer.) The details of this passed-down
story are not precise, though I don’t doubt the most important points, which
are so terribly emblematic of American warfare history: A 26-year-old Irish immigrant
soldier, enlisted in an American army protecting settler expansion, kills one
armed and one semi-armed indigenous man and is then ordered, but refuses, to
participate in the slaughter of the whole population of an indigenous village.
As good a version as you’ll get of the intrinsically compromised American
“warrior.”
And a sharp reminder to me that it’s all in the family.
The strangest element in the story is Sgt. Platten being
both recommended for a Medal of Honor and put up for court-martial. But that
confusion is precisely a telling mark of the ethical fault and contradiction underlying
the entire “Indian Campaign,” which extends throughout scores of such incidents.
In the Wounded Knee case, the general in charge was so “appalled” at the
massacre that he tried to relieve the on-scene colonel of his command, while,
at the same time, nineteen soldiers were—-based on officers’
recommendations—-awarded Medals of Honor for their “actions.” This kind of “appalling
honor” schizophrenia has been a constituent, continuous element of America’s
mass historical denegation regarding its foundational crimes. What better way
to deny what you know is so bad than to insist on how good it is. It's a
testimony to the criminal nature of that military history that the first Medal
of Honor was awarded during the “Apache Wars” of 1861, and that “Indian
Campaigns” account
for the highest number of Medals of Honor (426) apart from the Civil War (1522)
and World War II (464).
Who’s a more beloved president than Abraham Lincoln, who
personally authorized the largest mass execution in American history—-of 38
Dakota men who fought in the US-Dakota “War” that was triggered by the “starvation
and displacement” of the Dakota people? Glory, glory, Hallelujah.
So, now we have a resolution from both houses of the U.S.
Congress (passed in1991) formally expressing "deep regret" for the
Wounded Knee Massacre and a bill introduced twice (in 2019 and 2025) to “Remove the Stain”
by rescinding the medals given to the soldiers for their “action,” and
we have the Secretary of Defense War “hono[ring] their service” in that he calls the Battle of
Wounded Knee.
One way or another, we will, and should, never—-and my second
cousin once removed’s uncle-in-law’s Congressional Medal of Honor won’t let me—-forget.
Blood Brothers
It’s impossible to write this today without thinking and
saying something about the parallels with the genocide that the United States and
its ward state, Israel, are perpetrating now on the Palestinian people—-displacement,
starvation, and all. It’s impossible not to think of all the liberals and
progressives who buried their sympathetic hearts
with the Native Americans as soon as they learned about Wounded Knee, but
hardened them to the Palestinians even when they knew for decades about the Nabka,
and Deir Yassin, and Tantura, and Lydda,
and Gaza,
and Gaza,
and Gaza
again and again.
This is especially so, since an argument that Zionists love
to snap out in favor of their Manifest Destiny—-as if it’s a killing rhetorical
blow, packed with irrefutable historical realism—-is some version of: “So what,
you’re a genocidal settler-colonizer, too. American Indians!” Gotcha!.
Here's how I’ve already addressed how phony that is, in a
previous article:
It baffles me that anyone thinks
that’s an effective argument. My reply, after confirming that the speaker
is unambiguously admitting that the relationship between Israeli Jews and
Palestinian Arabs today is ethico-politically analogous to that between
European settlers and Native Americans from the fifteenth to the nineteenth
century, would go something like the following.
Yes, the U.S. and virtually every
nation-state that came into being before the mid-twentieth century rests on a
legacy of war, conquest, and injustice.
And, yes, it’s hard to think of a
worse colonial genocide than that visited on Native Americans from the
fifteenth to the nineteenth century. Those facts are hardly enough to support
the analogy as intended, however. First of all, being historically realist and
all, we have to recognize that, tragically, over those four centuries, the
Native American population was so completely ravaged that it now constitutes
less than 1% of the population. If Native Americans were now the majority of
the population in North America under white settler control; if they were
engaged in a fierce resistance struggle in order to prevent being expelled or
exterminated; if they had the support of hundreds of millions of their
neighbors, as well as of populations and powerful governments throughout the
world, as well as of an established international ideological and legal
framework that forbade and denounced the colonial project the white settlers
were still trying to complete (while demanding that everyone
recognize America as the White Man's State)—then you would have a
relevant analogy.
Furthermore, it’s not the
fifteenth-to-nineteenth, but the twentieth-into-twenty-first century that we’re
talking about. My country was also, as I recall, founded on centuries of
slavery, a practice that was acceptable to many Western minds for centuries.
Does any liberal-minded Westerner today think it would be OK to establish or
perpetuate a polity based on slavery? To let just one more slip by,
because, well, so many people have done it before and this is the last
one, promise?
Sorry, but It doesn’t
matter because someone else did it at some other time is a shallow,
specious historicism. Isn’t what we learn from history, precisely, what
should never happen again? I can’t stop the slave ships, or give the island
I am living on back to the Manhattoes, but I can learn from history that it’s
necessary to support today’s struggles against the New Jim Crow in my country,
and the fight against the ongoing, unfinished colonial
subjugation of Palestine that my country is enabling. That, I think, is how to
historicize.
So, yes, there are historical lines
that are often drawn under past injustices that cannot be reversed. The
point—what Gaza shows—is that the fate of the Palestinians is not one of them;
it is an ongoing struggle-in-progress that is nowhere near finished, and that
calls on us to take responsibility, not excuses, from history.
I have a familial connection with that, too—-closer, more
contradictory, and more poignant, which I’ll relate as I remember it (some siblings’
memories may differ). When my father, who had a rare blood type, was sick in St
Vincent’s hospital in 1969, he received a blood donation. He did not survive. A
few days after he died, my mother received a gift from the man who had donated
his blood. The man had contacted the hospital, found out the sad result for the
man whose life he had wanted to save, and graciously extended his condolences
with a gift to the widow. That gift, from that nice Jewish man, my father’s
blood brother, was a framed certificate certifying that a tree had been planted
in my father’s name in a park in Israel.
It was many years later that I understood that tree was
almost certainly planted over the ruins of one of the hundreds of Palestinian
villages and towns that were levelled to the ground in the Zionist ethnic cleansing
of 1948—-part of a Jewish National Fund “greenwashing” project
to erase
any traces of Palestinian presence and make European settlers feel comfortable
and at home.
That man, like Sgt. Frederick Platten, did a good thing in
the middle of a very bad thing. And I, like my second cousin once removed,
carry around the token of that good and bad thing, on a shelf in my mind and
heart.
And yes, Pete, we will never, and can never, forget what
they did—-everything that they did. It is all in the family.
_________________
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