My segment with Wilmer Leon, Garland Nixon, and Steve Poikonen starts at 1:30.
Thursday, April 28, 2022
Critical Hour Discussion on Ukraine Conflict Ending US Hegemony (4-18-2022)
Monday, April 18, 2022
Ukraine Negotiation Kabuki
Ukraine Negotiation Kabuki
Jim Kavanagh
Though they are not given much of a voice in the
mainstream media, many people oppose US/NATO sending more arms to Ukraine and
oppose direct Western military intervention, because they see that such actions
would only prolong an inevitably lost fight “to the last Ukrainian” and/or they
do not think it’s worth risking World War III in order to refuse Ukraine
neutrality, Russia’s absorption of Crimea, and the independence of the Donbass
republics (LDPR).
Good for all of them.
Among many of those, from left anti-imperialists to
paleo-conservative realists, the discourse hinges on forgoing war for diplomacy.
Let’s not send more weapons; let’s instead encourage negotiations! Negotiate,
don’t escalate.
“Every war ends in negotiations,” they will say, and
“we”—the US government and NATO—have to encourage Ukraine to compromise.
This attitude is well summed up in Aaron Maté’s citation of
former diplomat Charles Freeman regarding US/NATO’s “disregard for diplomacy”: “Everything
we are doing, rather than accelerate an end to the fighting and some
compromise, seems to be aimed at prolonging the fighting." This is echoed
in Noam Chomsky’s insistence that “the prime focus” should be on “moving
towards a possible negotiated settlement that will save Ukrainians from further
disaster.”
Here’s the thing, however, that is very important to be
clear about in this situation: There is no possibility of “negotiations” or
“compromise” in the optimistic sense implied—i.e., talks leading to a deal in
which, in some mutually satisfactory way, each side gets and gives up something
important to it.
There is no possibility of such “negotiations” or “compromise” because that already happened.
Sunday, April 10, 2022
Twitter Censorship, Vaccine Risk, and Myocarditis Mumbo-Jumbo
Twitter Censorship, Vaccine Risk, and Myocarditis Mumbo-Jumbo
Jim Kavanagh
I received this email from Twitter at 12:56 PM, Thursday,
April 7, in response to a Tuesday tweet of mine:
Here is my transgressive tweet in the context of the
thread as it displayed on Friday, with Twitter’s warning (It seems to have
disappeared since):
The important thing here is, of course, the substance of my tweet, which is neither “misleading” nor “potentially harmful” but true. This incident prompts me to address one of my pet peeves in the vaccine mandate debate (because here, as always, the issue of the vaccine always becomes an issue of a mandate): the conversation in which stating the fact that the mRNA vaccines carry an elevated risk of myocarditis (especially to young males) is met with the riposte that “But Covid carries a greater risk!”—delivered, and usually accepted, as a mic drop that shuts down the concern over the vaccine.
Friday, March 11, 2022
Stop Believing: Be Skeptical of the Civilian-casualty Narrative
Stop Believing:
Be skeptical of the civilian-casualty narrative
Jim Kavanagh
Moscow Times/TASS / CTK Photo / Vladimir Prycek
As I’ve said before, in a full-scale war, no one gets out with clean hands. In any war, both sides are going to kill some innocent civilians and each side is going to downplay its own excesses and highlight the enemy’s. Though we’d like to, we cannot avoid what we all know is the terrible answer to this question: When has any side in any war stopped fighting because of civilian casualties?
In such a context, by no means should anyone believe either
the report or denial of an atrocity on the basis of statements from the warring
parties and their interested allies alone. To decide what version of events one
thinks is true, it is necessary to critically analyze the versions of the interested
parties and seek information from as many independent sources as possible who
have demonstrated their honesty, fairness, and reliability in such situations.
We’ve had decades of “aggression and atrocity” lies to justify the U.S. going to war—Vietnam’s attack on U.S. ships in the Tonkin Gulf, Iraqi soldiers dumping babies from incubators in Kuwait, WMDs in Iraq, Viagra-pumped Ghaddafi rapist soldiers in Libya, Syrian government poison gas attacks on their own citizens in Syria, etc. In this very conflict, within the space of ten days, we’ve had a number of blatant lies loudly promoted and then demurely retracted—the ghost fighter pilot of Kiev, the heroic Snake Island martyrs who fought to their death, the vicious Russian tank driver who crushed a car, the non-existent then “dangerous” biological research labs, etc. So, I think it’s imperative that Americans not believe, on first hearing, the atrocity reports coming from the media that peddled and memory-holed all those lies.
The U.S. and Western media have demonstrated that
they are interested parties, allies and voices of the Kiev government (ward of
the U.S. government), who accept and transmit as true any of that government’s accounts
of Russian crimes. Without any further proof, they will maintain the truth of
those accounts, until and unless someone else (they will never look)
provides irrefutable counter-evidence they cannot ignore. Their attitude, which
they have successfully inculcated in most of their American audience, is that
what Kiev says can must be taken as true and what Russia says must be
taken as false. It is the most dangerous attitude in the world.
Thursday, March 3, 2022
The Battle of Ukraine and the War It’s Part Of
The Battle of
Ukraine and the War It’s Part Of
Jim Kavanagh
All-in
Last week, I wrote that Russia was “on the offensive and
impatient” and would “act very soon.” It did, but in a way that far exceeded my
expectations. I thought Russia would make a direct military intervention to
secure the Lugansk and Donetsk Republics (LDPR) it had newly recognized, and maybe
help them to capture the large portion of their claimed territory still
controlled by Ukrainian forces—a more offensive and riskier move that, I
warned, would make it easier to create a political narrative detrimental to
Russia. Unlikely, I thought, that Russia would engage in a military offensive west
of Donbass, let alone aimed at Kiev.
Well, as I
was writing that, Russia moved in a way that blew through all my—and just about
everyone’s—oh-so-shrewd calculations of how oh-so-shrewd Russia’s strategic
thinking would be. Russia mounted a broad, full-scale offensive—destroying
military facilities throughout Ukraine, seeking to encircle and capture major
cities, and moving on the capital itself. This is nothing less than an attempt
to achieve major policy changes in Ukraine by military force.
Russia is
insisting that Ukraine recognize Crimea as Russian territory, abide by the
Minsk agreement (oops, too late) recognize the LDPR, officially renounce
joining NATO and remove any extant NATO infrastructure, adopt a neutral stance,
and eliminate the fascist political influence (“de-Nazify”).
It is the Battle of Ukraine. This is a demand for a definitive redefinition of the Ukrainian polity that has emerged since 2014. “Regime change,” if you wish, in a substantive sense. The Kiev government and its patron, the US, will not agree, and never would have agreed, to any of it, except by force.
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